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Jobbik is a ticking bomb


The founder of the party does not see much difference between Péter Jakab and Ferenc Gyurcsány

Jobbik betrayed the values ​​he set out when he was founded, and it was a straight path for even a foolish pendulum to swing first to the far right and now to the left, said Ervin Nagy, one of the party’s founders, in an interview with the Hungarian Nation. A XXI. According to an employee of the Institute of the Century, Péter Jakab, with his primitive campaign, not only does not represent but also looks down on manual workers.

It has been thirteen years since he left Jobbik with the founding president Dávid Kovács and Márton Fárinal, together with the chairman of the party ‘s ethics committee, mainly due to the formation of the Hungarian Guard. Would you go back to Jacob’s party now?

– Definitely no. I even deny the current Jobbik, and from here I send a message to Péter Jakab that the original name of the party he led was the Right Youth Community, so he should return the right name as well.

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I guess he says that because In December, Jobbik announced that it would join the rainbow coalition led by Ferenc Gyurcsány. Were you surprised by the decision?

– As an analyst, founder of Jobbik and a private person, I must say that it is not surprising to work with the left. The convergence has already been evident in recent years.

Gábor Vona, the former president of the party – using his favorite analogy – built a bridge, but it was not him but Péter Jakab who crossed it with Ferenc Gyurcsány waiting for him with open arms on the other side.

As an analyst and private individual, he was not surprised that Jakabék joined the collaboration. Photo: Magyar Nemzet / Mirkó István

When did you feel this Jobbik turning in a completely different direction than you would have liked?

– As early as 2011, I drew attention to the fact that Jobbik betrayed the values ​​it set out when it was founded. It was a straight path for even a foolish pendulum to swing first to the far right and now to the left. In Jobbik, we got to know an unprincipled party whose leaders do everything they can for power.

So not 2015, the beginning of popularization was the turning point?

– Not necessarily. There is a duality to be seen here: when we left the party, although there was a very different kind of Jobbik, it was already different from the original founder’s statement. It started to the far right, which we didn’t consider a right and walkable path. Five years after our departure, another change began, which was already noticeable at the time: although Vona called this process partisan, and the Hungarian press called it a sacrificial campaign, but in fact none of it is correct.

Then what would you call this?

– Loss of identity. After all, popular partisanship means that I pass on the values ​​that I consider important to every group in society.

Jobbik did not do this, but threw away his old values ​​and began to take on new ones, and then – not finding his place in the new medium – fell into an identity crisis.

This set in motion a process from which there was no going back.

In light of this, why was Gábor Vona considered a worthy successor to lead?

– We, the founders, believed that Gábor Vona would take Jobbik on the path we envisioned. After the 2006 election, at the party’s renewal, Dávid Kovács clearly appointed him as his successor, and we even wrote a letter to the membership asking for their support. Vona had good relations with prominent Fidesz leaders, and before that she was a member of the Alliance for the Nation’s Civic Circle, founded by Viktor Orbán. Thus, we saw him as suitable to start a national radical party with his leadership, with the support of Fidesz, which on the one hand is salon-capable, on the other hand brings innovation in Hungarian politics, and on the third hand addresses several generations. Of course, we would not have thought that Vona would set up a guard for two years and turn against Fidesz.

Yet he has known him for a long time.

“We went to a high school, we were teammates, and we belonged to a group of friends. He has always been a wayfarer who has scanned the possibilities in his life that have strengthened his identity. That is why he first approached Fidesz, why he moved to the Franciscan monastery on Margaret Boulevard during his dormitory years, and why he founded the Hungarian Guard. As a friend, I didn’t consider this a problem, plus it’s natural for a young man in his twenties to look for his place. But when, at the age of thirty, or even close to forty, he forms another and new worldview for himself, he refers to the undeveloped personality of Gábor Vona.

This led to the former party chairman “the toys of vile orbanoism ”called the retirees in 2017in? Thisztán at the party continued with blasphemy.

– Behind the harassment of retirees was the misconception that youth could be addressed by widening the generation gap. This necessarily led to moral bankruptcy.

The blasphemy of Christianity began to develop in the period after Gábor Vona, but the former president also has a responsibility in this.

At the same time, I think it is right that he has spoken out against portrayals of Jesus statues in a negative context as the president who once led Jobbik to success, because even the main symbol of the party logo was the double cross. Then the Peter James remodeled this as well, symbolically renouncing the representation of Christianity as a cultural value.

And the party campaign of the party president, who has an apartment of more than a hundred square meters and a monthly salary of HUF 2.4 million, has taken their place. Do you think you could address the rural job with your campaign?

– The term used by Péter Jakab for a long time is not an offensive term in itself, as people who support their families with manual labor must be respected. At the same time, the party president’s campaign is terribly primitive.

In practice, he looks down on the jobseekers by thinking of them as a separate group, speaking to them differently than he does to a university professor. Although this is a political stigma.

James plays a deceptive role, as his existence, his possibilities, his life take place in a completely different trajectory. A talented person who picks up a pose to address a certain group that I don’t think will be successful in the long run.

While there are always politicians in the party who are famous for anti-Semitic statements, such as László Bíró, who ran in the pre-election, or Endre K. Hajnády, the president of the Eger constituency, Jakab denies that his party has ever been on the far right. Is your claim credible?

“It is a fact that the party is not, but some of its politicians were anti-Semites, and most of them are still involved in Jobbik. At the same time, James ’statement indicates that Jobbik is in a constant denial of the past. The reason for this is that it is trying to integrate into the opposition coalition, where these past actions are completely untenable, both in Hungarian and in European democracy. I am sure that these issues will also provoke internal conflicts, as in the pre-elections, Jobbik, like its allies, would compete in all 106 individual districts, and in a competitive competitive situation, the parties will also attack each other. This will happen at the pre-selection, for example between Jobbik and DK.

Do you think it is conceivable that Jobbik’s hitherto unexplored cases will be made public by his own allies?

– Yes, that’s what I expect. They will be leaked, either openly or covertly, to gain an advantage. Jobbik is a ticking bomb because the anti-Semitic politicians who put a padlock on their mouths are still there at the party. Moreover, its continued denial of the past means a loss of credit not only for right-wing but also for left-wing voters. I know a lot of opposition voters, and even left-wing opinion leaders, artists, public figures, who were completely opposed to working with Jobbik. People’s partying is seen as a spectacle and the party’s apologies for empty slogans.

Msky representatives of the popularized Jobbik is they left the party. Andrea Varga-Damm, Ádám Mirkóczki, Tamás Sneider, to name but a few. Does this also suggest that the party has become left-wing?

“The party has repositioned itself in the other half.” If we look at the political content, we already find the values ​​of liberalism and the left.

They have very few independent thoughts, imitating other left-wing parties because of the loss of identity, looking for the opposition slogans that the DK has been voicing for years.

Jobbik wants to defeat Fidesz from Europe like the Ferenc Gyurcsány, so it would be ready to fight the domestic political struggle with external help. And this is the essence of left-wing identity, as its representatives have always been internationalists since the 1919 Soviet republic.

The left-wing side of the party can also be shown by the fact that in March last year James said he considered it a legitimate debate.and Hungarians across the border the issue of voting rights. In addition, the government has attacked its $ 36 billion cross-border economic development program. Is it so important for Jobbik to squat?

– Jobbik competes with Ferenc Gyurcsány in a long-standing left-wing politics, which includes the assessment of the situation of Hungarians abroad. The hate campaign against them is tied to Gyurcsány, which culminated during the referendum on dual citizenship, but has been followed by the DK leader ever since: he is trying to exclude the Hungarians living there both politically and physically. Voting rights are consistently disputed, and Jobbik has also entered this race. I don’t see much difference between Ferenc Gyurcsány and Péter Jakab, as even their style is very similar.

However, one of James ’interviews brought to light some ideological fault lines. Is it possible to talk about cooperation on the left in this way?

– They came to the left from a lot of places, with different identities, political programs. This has been the case in history: when Kálmán Tisza ran for prime minister between 1875 and 1890, opposition parties with different ideologies joined forces in the same way. Kálmán Mikszáth aptly called this a mortar party, and even wrote that “all these programs are these two words: Kálmán Tisza!” This description fits the current coalition perfectly. These fault lines come from different ideological roots in the same way, so Péter Jakab cannot say that he stands for rainbow families, but Gyurcsány cannot take on the conservative thoughts of Jobbik. However, the mutually damaging policies that have developed over the last ten years can also create conflict, making it difficult to come together. Let us not forget that the LMP reported Ferenc Gyurcsány a few years ago, and even the DK leader was accounted for and imprisoned by Jobbik. Gyurcsány called Jobbik an anti-Semitic party with which he refused to join forces. These are grievances that cannot be set aside in a month or two.



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